Photo by bixentro under a CC Licence
Michael, you’ve been one of the initiators of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy that has been residing in front of the Old Parliament House for 40 years. What comes to your mind when you think about 27 January 1972?
This day is still very clear in my mind. The day before, the Prime Minister stated they would lease land to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples instead of giving us land rights. As a consequence, we decided to put up a permanent camp in Canberra. Within our discussions we became aware that we need a political entity, an embassy, to gain sovereignty. It was a period of not knowing what the future would bring, but knowing what we wanted.
Was there also a feeling of anger?
Absolutely. It was the time when the Gurindji people walked off and went on strike in the Northern Territory because of the oppression. If you go back in history, there have been a lot of wars fought within this country. But Australia suppresses these facts. Land rights became the catch-cry and one of the key issues in the 1960s and 1970s. It was the first time that a part of the administration had been occupied. Historically, it has been an inspiration for a lot of later social movements, as you can see for example with the Occupy movement today.
Despite the Indigenous call for sovereignty becoming louder over the years, the issue about land rights is not resolved…
You know, we look at history from different angles. From our point of view, Australia has two sorts of societies: one occupying a land with force and through the minds of their ambassadors, and we, the rightful owners, trying to assert our rights.
In 1995 the National Heritage Trust listed the Aboriginal Tent Embassy as the ‘only location that represents Aboriginal Peoples in their political struggle’. Was that occasion important for the movement?
It was important that they recognized that we have a legitimation, and it also symbolized a milestone in Aboriginal affairs in Australia’s history.
About 12 years ago you stated that despite million-dollar programmes, Aboriginals are worse off today than in the 1950s and 1960s. Do you stick by that?
I would repeat that statement. Socially our people are totally demoralized. If you look across Australia right now, we have an emerging number of poor and underprivileged people. In some regions more than 80 per cent are unemployed. They are welfare dependent and have to accept loss of income if they don’t bow to the rules of the government. That happens while they make billions and billions from mining on Aboriginal land. Just look at the Northern Territory, where most Aboriginals live, and its special conditions as federal territory. It is the only place in the world where a state directly operates an industry to gain communal assets, often without even allowing negotiations with Aboriginal locals. Democracy does not apply to Aboriginal people, let us put it that way.
Just recently, the Australian administration presented its plan to continue and expand the Northern Territory Emergency Response, often referred to as ‘intervention’, under the title ‘Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory’. In short, the programme aims at better services for Aboriginal communities while tightening governmental control mechanisms. What do you criticize about it?
There are a number of issues we dismiss. One is: the Racial Discrimination Act, a national convention to prohibit discrimination, was suspended. Apart from the psychological harassment to people when the military moved in with army tanks, the intervention prohibited people from claiming any land on the native title in the Northern Territory. It also prevents Aboriginal people from having any rights to negotiate with mining companies. Not only was it an act of racial discrimination, it also suspended the people’s right to negotiate anything related to their own country. It’s quite insane.
Nevertheless, there is also support for the programmes, even within the Aboriginal community.
The people who speak in favour of these programmes are a minority. Often they are dependent on the government’s services. But if you are going to the grassroots community and to the outskirts and talk to the people there you get a different impression.
What will be the major challenges for Australia’s society and its government concerning indigenous affairs in the coming years?
Alongside our claims for compensation and restitution, we want self-determination as a people. That will allow us to find our own economic and social advancement in society. But as part of that we also want to make a peace pact with the government so we can become a united Australia. Otherwise, we will be an Australia with two separated societies living on one public land.
Read the original article on New Internationalist HERE:
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Opposition Leader Tony Abbott’s suggestion, reiterated today, that it is time to “move on” are dismissive and unhelpful, and further mask Australia Day truths that need to be acknowledged, Acting Australian Greens Leader Christine Milne said.
“Mr Abbott’s ill-considered remarks demonstrate the need to officially recognise all elements of Australia Day so that we can work towards a truly national day, Senator Milne said in Brisbane.
“The 26th of January is Australia Day, Invasion Day and Survival Day, as the Australia Day committee chair Warren Pearson says. He also says these three truths can coexist and that the one day can be both a day of celebration and a day of mourning. And yet official national events do not give prominence to anything other than celebration.
“At the very least, official events need to recognise these truths so that a truly national day can occur. The day needs to be remembered as a day of dispossession inconsistent with the democratic nation we have become and inconsistent with the rule of law that we uphold. It should be a day when we all recommit to social justice and freedom.
“At the national level, the Greens are working hard to go beyond the apology to the stolen generation and, in consultation with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, we want to secure Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander recognition in the Australian constitution.
“We are also fighting for the retention of Aboriginal languages – including better funding in looming education reforms – and the Greens have delivered in the carbon bills addressing climate change recognition of exclusive and non-exclusive native title as the basis for ownership of carbon rights. It is a start.
“We welcome Mr Abbott’s support today for constitutional recognition, a key reform that the Australian Greens are working hard to deliver as part of our agreement with the Prime Minister. That too is a start in the right direction,” Senator Milne said.
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